Introduction
Bertram Thomas, renowned for his travel writings, delves into the heart of Arabia in his travelogue, ” Arabia Felix.” Through his anthropological and social study of the region, Thomas offers a unique perspective on the diverse racial, social, and cultural makeup of Southern Arabia.
Key Takeaways
- Bertram Thomas challenged the notion of Arab racial homogeneity through his encounters with natives, highlighting the importance of acknowledging racial diversity in the region.
- Scholars like Eduard Glaser, Sir Richard Burton, and Major-General Maitland also recognized distinct racial differences within the Arab world, questioning the idea of a singular Arab race.
- Thomas’s exploration of South Arabia revealed physical diversity among tribes, hinting at different origins and genetic influences.
- Despite challenges in collecting anthropological data, Thomas used innovative methods like measuring heads and sketching portraits to document racial characteristics.
- Cultural practices like devil-dancing and zenug rituals among marginalized groups like slaves showcased the intricate cultural fabric of Arabian society, where even the disenfranchised played significant roles.
The Question of Arab Racial Homogeneity
In “Arabia Felix”, Bertram Thomas treaded on a contentious path when he began to scrutinize what many perceived as a ubiquitous Arab racial homogeneity. This notion was sternly challenged during his encounters with natives of southern Oman, whose fervent curiosity about his origins prompted enlightening discussions on the prevailing racial diversity in the region.
The anthropological methods employed by Thomas to delve into the Arab racial diversity proved to be tricky and complicated. As not merely the question of classifying people into neat categories, but rather unravelling the layered, complex, and sometimes conflicting aspects of human identity and heritage. At many junctures of his journey, Thomas was presented with narratives and evidence, contravening the widely held trope of an undifferentiated Arab race. This observation stands as a testament to the fact that the concept of race is multifaceted, fraught with vagaries, and predominant biases, often obscuring the true picture of racial diversity.
Among the other notable voices Thomas referenced was that of scholar Eduard Glaser who, having lived among the natives, held that there were indeed distinct racial differences within the Arab world. Glaser’s sentiment was echoed by the legendary voyager Sir Richard Burton. Burton, too, observed appreciable differences, notably in facial features and physical attributes, among the various Arab tribes he encountered during his travels. Further, Major-General Maitland offered an insightful viewpoint on the Arab racial differences, highlighting the varying characteristics amongst the Bedouin tribes of the Peninsula.
Is it so certain that the Arabs are themselves racially one? Neither Glaser the scholar, nor Burton the traveller thought so. The former held the South Arabian to be· Hamitic and not Semitic. The latter declared that he had found proof of three distinct races. Whatever the case, Burton’s anticipation that ‘physiological differences sufficient to warrant our questioning the common origin of the Arab family would be found’ was a sound one. Such differences I discovered in abundance in this central region of South Arabia: not merely physiological, but cultural and linguistic differences that constitute collectively a serious challenge to the conception of a single racial entity for the entire peninsula.
Bertram Thomas: Arabia Felix
Travels, Observations and Encounters in South Arabia
In “Arabia Felix,” Bertram Thomas provides an in-depth exploration of South Arabia, detailing the multitude of tribes he encountered. Each of these tribes possesses unique characteristics, hinting at different origins. The Mahri, for instance, are characterized by medium stature, delicate features and light skin tone; whereas the Harasiis are inclined towards smaller stature, broad noses, and darker complexion, suggesting the possible influence of African genealogy.
The original roots of these tribes are discerned not only through the physical diversity but also through the tangible relics of ancient civilizations. Thomas reports discovering old inscriptions and ruins – remnants of prior invaders and settlers – strewn across the landscape. His findings in Yemen, which suggests a strong correlation with pre-Islamic South Arabian script, serve as compelling evidence contributing to the region’s complex racial make-up.
While retracing the footsteps of the early traders and warriors, Thomas travelled through some of the most remote and inhospitable parts of the Arabian Peninsula. His companions during these arduous expeditions, play significant roles in his observations. Among them were Ali al Dhab’an, a quirky yet reliable Bedouin who proved an invaluable resource in understanding the tribal cultures, and Sa’id bin Saif, a learned Arab who served as an interpreter and liaison, aiding Thomas in his interactions with the native tribes.
Anthropological Data Collection and Challenges
Bertram Thomas set about collecting anthropological data using head-measuring as one of his primary methodologies. However, this task, as Thomas recounts, was fraught with numerous difficulties. Many amongst the populace harboured a deep-seated fear towards having their heads measured, perceiving the ritual as having potential supernatural implications that could impact their lives negatively. In Arabia, like in many parts of the world, superstitions around personal measurements abound, leading to a potent sense of dread amongst the individuals subjected to these rituals.
Despite the serious implications, Thomas’s accounts of data collection are not without their humorous moments. In one such episode, Thomas speaks of a potential subject who, fearing divine retribution for participating in the head-measurements, fled the scene, leaving Thomas bemused yet undeterred.
There is always in the minds of rude people the fear of magic or worse,· while the religious among them hate to be pawed by infidel hands. In the desert I would not have dared risk putting callipers over the head of a Badu- an uncouth tribesman might have drawn his dagger, for at times Badawin have turned against me for bringing out a camera at the wrong- moment- but here in Dhufar I felt I could safely work upon prisoners, warders and old friends behind closed doors, and with these and some enlightened foreign traders I was able during my stay to make forty-five head- measurements, covering a wide geographical range and to take a hundred ‘type’ portraits.
Bertram Thomas: Arabia Felix
Beyond these challenges, Bertram Thomas devised an ingenious solution to further his work. He began collecting data from convicts within prisons, a captive pool of data subjects, who, under the scrutiny of their warders, proved decidedly more compliant to the anthropological process. Apart from measurements, Thomas also took opportunities to sketch portraits of the subjects and collect even more data, contributing to a more comprehensive anthropological profile. Surprisingly, this practice extended even to Thomas’s old friends, whose racial characteristics he documented just as meticulously, furthering the rich tapestry of racial diversity he was weaving.
Cultural Practices and Rituals in Arabian Society
During his exploration of “Arabia Felix”, Bertram Thomas paid considerable attention to the everyday lives and cultures of the people he encountered, especially the marginalized demographics such as slaves. He provided a first-hand account of the intriguing cultural practices these groups adhered to in modern Muslim societies. Thomas observed that despite their marginalised stature, slaves played significant roles in the cultural fabric of Omani society, their experiences and practices contributing richly to its diversity.
Among the rituals Thomas remarked upon was the practice of devil-dancing and the procedure of zenug, both performed following the death of a slave. Devil-dancing, as he observed, was an emotional communal display performed in the field, which served as an assertion of cultural identity and a cathartic channel for the collective grief of the community after losing a member. The zenug ritual, on the other hand, involved the meticulous cleaning and preparation of the deceased body, a poignant symbol of the care and respect conferred upon the deceased despite their slave status during their lifetime.
Within these shared rituals and cultural traditions, various social groups and genders played distinct roles. Men, women, and children, all participated in the practices, creating a dynamic through which the broader society experienced a sense of unity despite apparent divisions. Thomas elaborated particularly on the role of women, who he noted, held crucial positions in these rituals. Whether it was wailing in lament at funerals, participating in the hypnotic rhythm of the devil-dance, or conducting the zenug rite, women’s participation was imperative, displaying a subtle wielding of agency within an otherwise patriarchal setting.
It was before Hafa village, picturesque in its setting of coco-nut palms, that the zenug rites were customarily per- formed three days after a death. The sound of well-played drums drew me to the throng. In the midst was a clearing spacious as a riding-school. At one end sat the drummers, a fire before them for the purpose of tuning their drums. Round about them danced the ‘drum boys,’ a dozen or so stalwart negroes of splendid muscular development. They were naked but for their loin-cloths; about their knees was a rattle of dried mangoes. This khish khish swished to the beating of the drums, as the dancers stamped and gyrated. Across the circle opposite stood the naqio. His hands were to his lips as he chanted his incantations- ‘Y’Allah ya malengi, y’ Allah ya malengi’ -while a chorus of a dozen companions, standing facing him in a row, took up the responses.
Bertram Thomas: Arabia Felix
Thomas’s insights into these practices and rituals offer an intricate look at the cultural richness and complexity of Arabian society, as seen through the lens of its often overlooked social strata. These observations demonstrate how, despite their disenfranchised social status, slaves were far from being passive actors. Instead, they were active participants, their individual and collective experiences shaping the cultural contours of the society into an interconnected tapestry of diverse practices and traditions.
Comparative Lives of Slaves and Free Citizens
Bertram Thomas’s insightful perspectives extend beyond his anthropological findings. In his exploration of ” Arabia Felix”, he provided riveting observations on the comparative lived experiences of slaves and free citizens. One of Thomas’s key companions, Sa’id bin Saif, demonstrated a pronounced aversion to pagan rituals despite being part of a community that still practiced them. This indicated not only the resistance to the past but also the nuanced personal beliefs and attitudes towards traditional practices, regardless of a slave’s social standing.
Bertram Thomas further delved into the perceptions of contentment found in the lives of slaves as contrasted with those of freemen. Contrary to common assumptions, he observed that slaves, despite their disadvantaged social positions, often exhibited an equal or even greater sense of fulfilment in their lives than their free counterparts. This was a startling observation which unravelled profound insights about human agency, individuality, and resilience.
It is difficult for a European who has not lived in Muslim countries to form any considered opinion regarding slavery in practice. The lot of the slave must necessarily be compared with that of the freeman in the same environment. Judged by this standard, the life of the slave is not wholly pitiable. The general standard of life is so low -just above the line of bare sufficiency- that the slave-owner, in his own interests, has to feed and clothe the slave nearly as well as himself. The fundamental difference between them lies in work. In the land of sloth, it is the slave who does the manual labour. He has to produce enough to support both of them, and the freeman sees that he does so. But to suppose that a difference of rewards exists as sharply defined as in the Southern States of the U.S.A. or the West Indian Colonies before the abolition of slavery would be a false assumption.
Bertram Thomas: Arabia Felix
In spite of their challenging conditions, many slaves showed remarkable resilience and defiance towards their circumstances, drawing from shared community practices and devout religious beliefs. The slaves’ perceived happiness drew significant contrast to the burdensome lives of freemen, who were entangled in the societal expectations of maintaining appearances, competing for status, and fulfilling the obligations of their tribal and family affiliations. The differential freedoms of slaves and their seemingly paradoxical contentment emerged as an intriguing aspect of Thomas ‘s exploration, one that compels us to revisit our preoccupations with freedom as the single yardstick of human happiness.
Conclusion
Across his travels in South Oman, Bertram Thomas’s encounters with various tribes and the relics of ancient civilizations painted a vivid picture of the region’s complex racial origins. The distinctive characteristics of tribes, the remnants of pre-Islamic settlements, and the diverse physical attributes of the natives spoke volumes about the intricate tapestry which forms the racial mosaic of Arabia.
Reflecting on the comparisons between the lives of slaves and free citizens, Thomas’s insights challenge conventional perceptions of happiness and fulfilment. His observations on slaves’ contentment despite their social disadvantages serve as a poignant reminder of the resilience and agency that individuals can exhibit under adverse circumstances. This stark contrast between the perceived burdens of freedom and the unexpected contentment of slavery invites a deeper reflection on the complexities of human existence.