In his seminal work “The Arab Of The Desert,” H.R.P. Dickson provides a thorough and detailed account of the Bedouin Arabs, particularly those inhabiting the regions in and around Kuwait in the early 20th century. His writing delves into the intricate social system of the Bedouin, shedding light on their unique way of life that has, for centuries, been intertwined with the arid landscapes of the Arabian Peninsula.
Key Takeaways
- The Arabs are divided into two main groups: Al Hadhar (settled) and Al Badia (nomadic).
- Badawin or Bedouin, often misunderstood in the West, signify a simple, desert lifestyle.
- The ‘Arabdar‘ represent a transitional stage between nomadic and settled life, often acting as intermediaries.
- Shepherd tribes, like Shawawi and Hukra, play specialized roles in sheep care and desert ecosystem.
- Pure Badawin nomads (Badia) are exclusive and proud, maintaining a pure lineage through marriage practices.
- A hierarchical distinction exists between Sharif tribes and Non-Sharif tribes, impacting social status.
- Family and social relations are governed by complex customs, emphasizing kinship and tribal loyalty.
Dickson’s exploration is a window into a world where the lines between survival, tradition, and culture are deeply entwined. The Bedouins’ adaptation to the harsh desert environment, their social structures, customs, and norms are not only fascinating but also offer insights into a way of life that stands as a stark contrast to the rapidly modernising world around them.
Division of Arabs into Two Groups
In his detailed account, Dickson categorises the Arabs into two main groups, fundamentally distinguished by their lifestyle and dwelling choices. These groups are Al Hadhar and Al Badia, each embodying a distinct way of life that has historically shaped their social and cultural identities.
Al Hadhar, translating to the settled, are those who reside in permanent structures made of stone or mud. These individuals are typically townsfolk or villagers, leading a life that is anchored in a fixed location. Their existence is closely tied to the agrarian and urban settings of the region, where the permanence of their homes signifies a stable, sedentary lifestyle. This group is characterised by their engagement in agriculture, trade, and urban professions, reflecting a life rhythm that is markedly different from their nomadic counterparts.
Contrastingly, Al Badia refers to the nomadic Arabs, a group that has adapted to a life of constant movement across the vast and unforgiving desert landscapes. Their homes are the iconic black hair-tents, known as hiya or sha’ar, designed for portability and resilience against the harsh desert conditions. The life of Al Badia is intrinsically linked to their camels, animals supremely adapted to the desert environment, which serve not just as a mode of transport but also as a crucial source of sustenance and economic value. This nomadic lifestyle is characterised by a deep understanding and respect for the desert, its patterns, and its resources, allowing them to thrive in an environment that might seem inhospitable to the uninitiated.
Concept of Bedouin
In “The Arab Of The Desert,” Dickson delves into the concept of the Bedouin. This term, derived from Al Badia, pertains specifically to the nomadic Arabs, whose lives are intricately woven into the fabric of the desert. However, Dickson elucidates that the term ‘Bedouin’, as understood in the Western context, is not commonly used or recognised in the same way within Arabia proper.
The Bedouin, in their self-perception, are more than just nomads; they represent an ethos of simplicity and purity, untainted by the complexities of settled life. When a dweller of the black tents refers to himself as part of the Bedouin, such as in the phrase “Hana Badu” – “we are Bedouin”, it is an expression of identity that conveys a sense of pride in their straightforward, unadorned way of life. This identity is deeply rooted in the vast expanses of the desert, where survival hinges on knowledge passed down through generations, an intimate understanding of the land, and a resilient spirit that thrives in the face of the harsh desert environment.
Moreover, Dickson points out that these individuals often prefer to refer to themselves simply as ‘Arab‘. This self-designation is not just a nominal choice; it signifies a deeper connection to their heritage and a proud declaration of their identity. Being ‘Arab’ encompasses their cultural heritage, social structures, and the very essence of their nomadic lifestyle. It distinguishes them as people who are not only adept in the ways of the desert but also carry the legacy of their ancestors – a legacy of endurance, freedom, and a profound bond with the natural world.
Social Interactions & Identification Among Nomads
Dickson’s exploration into the social fabric of the Bedouin reveals a rich tapestry of interactions and identity formation among these nomadic peoples. Central to their social interaction is the practice of greeting and identifying each other, which is deeply embedded in their culture and reflects their values and social norms.
When a Bedouin encounters a nomadic stranger within his territory, the initial exchange is marked by a customary greeting process. The question “Inta minain ya walad?” -“From whence art thou, O youth?” is a typical inquiry, demonstrating the importance placed on understanding one’s origin and tribal affiliation. The response, typically stating one’s association with a particular ‘Arab or tribe, serves as a crucial identifier, situating the individual within the intricate network of tribal relationships and hierarchies that define Bedouin society.
The self-identification of these nomads is a complex interplay of personal and collective identities. While they occasionally refer to themselves in the context of their nomadic lifestyle, as in “Hana Badu” – “we are Bedouin,” this is often more than a statement of their way of life. It signifies their self-perception as people of the desert – individuals who embody the simplicity and purity of a life unencumbered by the sophistications of settled existence. This identification is a proud assertion of their distinctiveness and resilience, traits that are highly valued in the harsh desert environment.
Semi-Nomadic Groups: Arabdar
Dickson’s insightful examination extends to the ‘Arabdar or ‘Arab-ad-Dar, groups that represent a transitional stage between the nomadic and settled ways of life. These semi-nomads, residing primarily on the peripheries of the great desert and close to towns, embody a unique blend of lifestyles, illustrating the fluidity and adaptability of Arab social structures.
The ‘Arabdar typically set up their black tents near towns during the summer months, moving into the interior, up to 80 to 100 miles away from their more permanent homes, during the winter. This pattern of seasonal migration allows them to benefit from both the resources of the town and the grazing opportunities of the desert. Economically, they are predominantly engaged in sheep rearing, possessing large flocks that provide them with sustenance and income. Unlike their fully nomadic counterparts, the ‘Arabdar own fewer camels, using them mainly for milk and the transportation of their tents.
These semi-nomads often have deep roots in both the urban and desert worlds. Many ‘Arabdar, particularly in places like Kuwait, hold small property in cities to which they have historical and economic ties. This duality of existence places them in a unique social position, bridging the gap between the Bedouin and the Hadhar lifestyles. Their heritage, often tracing back to esteemed tribes such as the ‘Ajman, Mutair, ‘Utaiba, and Harb, lends them a certain prestige within their communities.
Socially, the ‘Arabdar occupy a nuanced position. While they are not viewed with the same reverence as the pure Bedouin, especially by those who see them as having embraced a softer, semi-urban life, they are nonetheless respected, particularly if they come from notable tribal lineages. Their wealth, often accrued through services to urban rulers and commerce, makes them valuable members of the community, particularly in the eyes of their nomadic brethren who come to town for trade and supplies.
The ‘Arabdar also play a crucial role as intermediaries in business transactions, particularly those involving livestock. Their familiarity with both urban and desert lifestyles makes them adept at navigating these two worlds. Moreover, they often take pride in hosting their nomadic relatives, offering shelter and hospitality, which in turn enhances their status and strengthens communal bonds.
Specialized Desert Dwellers: Shepherd Tribes
In “The Arab Of The Desert,” Dickson introduces us to the specialised desert dwellers, particularly focusing on the shepherd tribes, known as Shawawi and Hukra. These tribes, while often allied with or part of the nomadic camel tribes, have a distinct role and lifestyle that sets them apart within the desert community.
These shepherd tribes are primarily responsible for the care of sheep, an activity that demands a different approach compared to the camel herding practices of the pure Bedouin nomads. Sheep, being less adaptable to long migrations, require more localized grazing areas. This limitation has given rise to a class of expert shepherds who, though they move within specific regions, maintain close ties with the larger nomadic tribes or even possess their own flocks.
Dickson provides several examples to illustrate the diversity and significance of these shepherd groups:
1. The Muntafiq Confederation: This large group of Shawawi or Hukra shepherd tribes moves south into the desert for the majority of the year, returning only during the hot weather. Originally the shepherds of the Al Sa’adun hereditary Shaikhs, many now own their own livestock.
2. The Hirsan or Shawawi Tribes of the Mutair: These tribes hold allegiance to the larger tribe of Mutair.
3. The ‘Awazim ‘Ahl al Ghanam: Known for caring for the flocks of the camel sections of their tribe, these shepherds also offer their services to townsfolk in Kuwait, exhibiting remarkable trustworthiness and skill.
The trust placed in these shepherds by both desert tribes and urban residents speaks to their reputation for honesty and reliability. This trust is particularly evident in the case of the ‘Awazim, who are entrusted with the care of sheep belonging to others, a responsibility they uphold with a sense of tribal pride and honour.
These ’Awazim shepherd tribes by no means confine their attention to caring for their own, or their camel brethren’s sheep. They are such good shepherds and so well trusted that many of them come up to Kuwait to hire themselves out to those townsfolk who own sheep, and even take those sheep many miles south and graze them with their own in the Suda region and IOO miles south of Kuwait town, where water is plentiful when summer sets in.
H.R.P Dickson The Arab of the Desert
The Pure Bedouin Nomads (Badia)
Dickson’s extensive study in “The Arab Of The Desert” gives particular emphasis to the pure Bedouin nomads, known as the Badia. This group represents the quintessential image of the Bedouin, living a life that is deeply intertwined with the vast expanses of the desert, far removed from the influences of urban or settled existence.
The Badia are characterised primarily by their exclusive breeding of camels, an animal synonymous with the desert and essential for their nomadic lifestyle. These nomads spend the majority of the year, approximately nine months, dwelling in the remote interior of the desert. Their migration and settlement patterns are dictated not by proximity to towns or permanent water sources, but by the pursuit of the best grazing grounds, which are in turn determined by the patterns of the winter rains. This lifestyle requires a profound understanding of the desert’s climatic and geographical nuances, enabling them to thrive in what might otherwise be considered inhospitable conditions.
Socially, the Bedouin proper maintain a strong sense of exclusivity and pride in their identity. They view themselves as the ‘salt of the earth’, a notion that is reflected in their stringent practices surrounding marriage and social interactions. Marriages are typically confined within similarly exclusive tribes, with a clear preference for maintaining the purity of their lineage and customs. This practice not only reinforces their cultural identity but also cements alliances and relationships within and between tribes.
Dickson identifies these nomads as ‘Arab al ’ariba‘ and ‘Arab al Musta’ariba‘, terms that denote their pure Arab descent and their self-perception as the true custodians of the desert way of life. This self-view imbues them with a sense of duty to preserve their traditions and social structures, which have been passed down through generations.
The Badia’s social structure is further delineated into Sharif tribes, who claim descent from the notable patriarchs Qahtan and Ishmael, and non-Sharif tribes. This distinction plays a significant role in the social hierarchy and interactions within the Bedouin community. The Sharif tribes, viewed as pure and of noble descent, often hold positions of higher respect and authority.
Aristocrat Tribes
In “The Arab Of The Desert,” Dickson provides a detailed analysis of the hierarchical structure within the Bedouin society, distinguishing between what are termed as ‘Aristocrat’ (Sharif) and (Non-Sharif) tribes. This distinction is deeply ingrained in the social fabric of the Bedouin and plays a crucial role in defining inter-tribal relationships, marriage alliances, and social standing.
Sharif Tribes
1. Descent and Lineage: The Sharif tribes are considered superior due to their lineage, claiming descent from revered ancestors such as Qahtan and Ishmael. This lineage is a significant source of pride and is seen as a marker of nobility and prestige.
2. Notable Tribes: Among the most recognized Sharif Arab tribes are the ‘Anizah, Shammar, Harb, Mutair, ‘Ajman, Dhafir, Bani Khalid, and several others. These tribes not only enjoy a higher status within the Bedouin hierarchy but also hold considerable influence and power.
3. Perception of Superiority: The Sharif tribes view themselves as the custodians of pure Arab culture and tradition. The ‘Anizah tribe, in particular, is often regarded as the aristocracy of the desert, although this superiority is sometimes contested by other tribes.
Arab Tribes
1. Geographical Distribution and Social Status: The non-Sharif tribes do not possess the ‘Asil (pure) lineage acclaimed by the Sharif tribes. These tribes are spread across various regions, including Hasa and Kuwait (East Arabia), North-West Arabia, and Central and North Arabia.
2. Examples of Tribes: Tribes like the ‘Awazim, Rashaida, Hutaim, and Aqail fall under this category. Each of these tribes has unique characteristics and roles within the society.
3. Marriage and Social Interactions: The delineation between Sharif and non-Sharif tribes has significant implications for marriage and social interactions. Sharif tribes typically do not intermarry with non-Sharif tribes to maintain the purity of their lineage. This restriction underscores the importance placed on bloodline and heritage in the Bedouin social system.
Family and Social Relations in Bedouin Society
Concept of AHL (AL)
1. Tribal Prefix and Kinship: The term ‘Ahl’ or ‘Al‘ often precedes the names of tribes or sub-tribes, such as Al Murra and Al Ruwala, indicating a collective identity. This prefix signifies more than just a name; it represents a shared lineage and communal bond.
2. Representation of Family: ‘Ahl’ is also used to refer to a person’s immediate family and kin, encompassing a wide range of relationships from parents to distant relatives. This broad definition underlines the importance of familial ties in Bedouin culture.
BANI ‘AM – Bloodline and Social Obligations
1. Common Male Ancestry: Bani ‘Am represents the members of a tribe or a sub-tribe that share a common male ancestor. This lineage plays a pivotal role in defining social responsibilities and allegiances.
2. Tribal Allegiance and Support: Members of a Bani ‘Am are bound by a duty to assist each other, reflecting a deep-seated commitment to mutual support and protection. This obligation extends beyond personal relationships, influencing tribal alliances and conflicts.
3. Marriage and Social Customs: The concept of Bani ‘Am also has significant implications for marriage practices. Marriages within the Bani ‘Am are encouraged to maintain the purity of the lineage and strengthen familial bonds.
Practices of Ortho-Cousin Marriage
1. Cultural Implications: The practice of marrying one’s Bint ‘Am (father’s brother’s daughter) is a common and culturally ingrained custom among the Bedouin. This form of marriage is seen as a way to keep the family united and preserve wealth and property within the family.
2. Rights and Obligations: A man has an inherent right to marry his Bint ‘Am, (paternal uncle’s daughter) and this right is respected within the community. However, the practice is also flexible, allowing for the right to be waived or for another man to acquire this right through specific arrangements.
3. Impact on Social Structure: These marriage practices are indicative of the larger social and cultural ethos of the Bedouin, where family ties, lineage, and the preservation of cultural heritage are of paramount importance.
The dichotomy between Al Hadhar and Al Badia, the nuanced roles of the semi-nomadic ‘Arabdar and ‘Arab-ad-Dar, and the specialised shepherd tribes, all paint a picture of a society that is as diverse as it is interconnected. The pure Bedouin nomads, with their stringent adherence to tradition and lineage, stand as a testament to the enduring legacy of the Bedouin culture. The hierarchical distinction between the Sharif and non-Sharif tribes underscores the significance of heritage and purity in their social fabric.
FAQs
Q: What are the two main groups of Arabs according to Dickson?
A: The two main groups are Al Hadhar (settled) and Al Badia (nomadic).
Q: What does the term ‘Badawin’ signify?
A: ‘Badawin’ signifies a simple, desert-based lifestyle.
Q: How do nomads in the desert typically greet each other?
A: They use customary greetings to inquire about each other’s origin and tribal affiliation.
Q: Who are the ‘Arabdar’?
A: The ‘Arabdar’ are semi-nomads, representing a transitional stage between nomadic and settled life.
Q: What is the role of shepherd tribes in the desert?
A: They specialize in sheep care and play a vital role in the desert ecosystem.
Q: What distinguishes pure Badawin nomads (Badia)?
A: They are known for their exclusive lifestyle and focus on maintaining a pure lineage.
Q: How does the social hierarchy work among the Badawin?
A: There’s a distinction between superior Sharif tribes and inferior Non-Sharif tribes, affecting social status.
Q: What is significant about family relations among the Badawin?
A: They are governed by customs emphasizing kinship and loyalty.
Q: What broader themes does Dickson’s study reveal?
A: It reveals the resilience and cultural richness of the Badawin society.